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A. Historical and contemporary settings of the Kwangju uprising Kwangju is the capital city in the southern Cholla province of South Korea. In the regional politics of modern Korean history, Cholla province has been systematically isolated, particularly in terms of economic development. Historically, the people in Cholla have developed a fighting spirit against such discrimination and injustice, and have yearned for democracy. For example, in 1894, peasants of the Cholla region rose in rebellion to oppose corrupt officials. Unlike previous peasant rebellions of the nineteenth century, which attacked the disintegration of the Chosun Dynasty (Korea's last dynasty), these peasants-followers of the national Tonghak movement-seized control of Cholla province and attempted to spread the rebellion. They also demanded social reforms and social equality. During the four-month rebellion, the Tonghak peasants formed an autonomous organization, Chipkangso, to punish corrupt officials and to implement their programs. In a demonstration of its impotence, the dynasty managed to crush the rebellion only by bringing in Japanese and Chinese troops. It is important to place the Kwangju uprising in the contemporary historical settings of South Korea. During the 1960s and 1970s, South Korea was seen as a rapidly developing Asian country. However, such development embodied a brutal dictatorship, an exploitative economy and an oppressive political system. General Park Chung-hee, who grabbed power after a military coup in 1961, continued his one-man dictatorship for 18 years, suppressing any political dissent, often using violence through state machinery. He introduced Yushin or the 'Revitalizing Reform' system, which legitimized the authoritarian-led development. People were fed up with the Yushin system and student demonstrators in 1979 intensified in the latter half of the year with labour and student demonstrations in the Pusan and Masan areas which was later called the 'Pu-Ma Uprising.'?The Yushin system led to economic instability and unrest, which cumulated in Park's assassination in October 1979. Park's assassination led to calls by students and labourers for the abolition of the Yushin system and direct elections. Such hopes were dashed when at the end of 1979 Generals Chun Doo-hwan and Roh Tae-woo seized power from the interim government through a coup d'etat. The interim government was led by President Choi Kyu-ha who promised reforms but did little to make any significant change in the political system.? In the first few months of the 1980s, worsening economic conditions led to massive labour protests in South Korea. In the spring, student protests were renewed with the reorganization and unification of student unions throughout Korean universities, demanding an end to martial law. In May 1980 nation-wide student protests were taking place. University students in Kwangju were a part of such demonstrations, which were held from May 13 onwards. In response, thousands of combat troops were sent to all the large cities, particularly Kwangju. At this time, the people of Kwanguju went through one of the most remarkable periods not only in Korean history, but also in the history of humanity. This period began with the demonstrations of university students demanding the end of martial law, which was in force at that time, and the restoration of democracy. In response to this, there was a brutal and violent attack on students and later on peaceful civilians in Kwangju by the armed forces. The human rights violations that took place included brutal torture, extra-judicial killings, the restriction of freedom of expression and assembly, and enforced or involuntary disappearances. According to the citizens who witnessed these violations, such indiscriminate use of violence on civilians had not been previously witnessed in South Korea, even during the Korean War. The brutal actions of the armed military injured and killed many innocent people, which led to a spontaneous uprising of the people against the military. The uprising comprised many factors, including the citizens of Kwangju organizing themselves into a self-functioning community and supporting the victims of these attacks and each other.?This type of collective action by the people of Kwangju to defend their city against the military was successful for a period of five days, after pushing the military out of their city and hence maintaining a democratic community. The military eventually re-captured the city through a massacre however, in which many were brutally killed. The youth defending the city before the military recapture knew that they would die fighting against the armed forces, but they did so for the future democracy of Korea.?In the ensuing years, many family members of the victims of the Kwangju uprising continued to hold commemorations, which were supported by many other citizens in the city. The fight of the victims' family members to seek truth and justice regarding this massacre led to the conviction of South Korea's two former presidents in 1996.?The South Korean government also paid compensation to the victims who had been officially recorded. A monument has been erected in Kwangju in honour of the victims of the uprising, and every May, commemorations take place in the city to remember the uprising. B. Specific events leading to and of the Kwangju uprising 14 - 17 May 1980 Students from the Chonnam National University tried to join the demonstration at the Provincial Hall (which is located in the heart of the city, at a junction where five roads meet and was a key site throughout the uprising) on May 14, but the police cordoned off the campus. On May 15 about 16,000 students gathered at the fountain in front of the Provincial Hall. Unlike other cities in Korea, the student demonstrations and rallies in Kwangju were well planned and orderly. The students even cleaned the streets after their rallies and demonstrations. A group of university professors joined in the student march on this day. On the evening of May 16 students held a symbolic rally carrying 400 torches at the Provincial Hall, renaming it 'Democracy Square'. During this time the police were co-operative and requested the students to keep order. The citizens of Kwangju were fascinated to see students marching with torches and the peaceful nature of the rally. While most people watched the rally from the sidewalks, some followed the students. At this stage the citizens of Kwangju were a diligent crowd of observers who carefully listened to the student demands and speeches, and read their leaflets.? After this torch-lit rally the students suspended their demonstrations, following directions from national student bodies in Seoul, giving themselves a rest. On May 17, nation-wide martial law was declared in South Korea, followed by the arrest of key student leaders in Seoul by the Martial Law Command. The Martial Law Command sent armed troops to key cities throughout the country, including Kwangju. The troops started arresting students from the Chonnam University campus on May 17, at night. They began to beat up students indiscriminately during the arrest to the extent that the students' faces were so swollen that they could barely identify each other. Such arrests forced many student and opposition leaders to go underground.?
May 18: Bloody Sunday May 18 was the first day of the Kwangju uprising, known as Bloody Sunday. Before the dawn of May 18, riot police and paratroopers occupied the Provincial Government Offices, including the Provincial Hall and other areas at the heart of the city. (Paratroopers were elite soldiers in the South Korean military who were trained for combat situations.) On the morning of May 18, students coming to Chonnam University were stopped at the gate by soldiers and severely beaten up. One citizen described his feelings when he saw a student chased and hit by soldiers using batons and clubs:
[W]atching the scene, I wondered if they could really be soldiers, and I felt choked.?It was like when a dog becomes so crazy that it can't recognize its owner ?I could not say anything ?Sounds came out of my mouth, but I could not speak at all. I, myself a soldier, [became] afraid of the soldiers (quoted in Chung Sangyoung et al, 33).
Although the attacks by the riot police and soldiers took a brutal form on this day, students continued to gather and hold peaceful sit-in demonstrations. The police attacked them with tear gas and dispersed them. When the students dispersed the riot police and soldiers chased them into side streets and severely beat them. The citizens who saw such scenes were outraged. While chasing students, for the first time, the soldiers started attacking innocent civilians who had nothing to do with the protests. Paratroopers started beating up journalists. A newly wed couple was also beaten up, as was an old man who tried to stop the paratroopers from stripping the clothes off some female students. In another incident, two young women who were ignorant of the protests were snatched by their hair and thrown to the ground, trampled by army boots and their clothes ripped off by the soldiers. Other innocent civilians attacked by the paratroopers besides students included a carpenter, a teacher, drivers, an agricultural worker, a cook, a civil servant, a housewife, a printer, a technician, a labourer, and an architect. The population of Kwangju was in shock from the paratroopers' overreaction. The paratroopers were so out of control that they even stabbed the director of information of the police station to death, who tried to stop them from brutalizing the citizens. Despite such severe assaults and arrests, the students continually regrouped and fought back. The afternoon of May 18 saw workers and older people begin to join the students in demonstrations.????
May 19 - 21: Fight to defend citizens' rights From May 19-22 the horror continued, with innocent people being increasingly victimized by the soldiers and paratroopers. The soldiers were armed with M16 guns, bayonets, knives and riot batons. They often used the bayonets against students and civilians, sometimes fatally injuring them. Initially, when the students started demonstrating on May 18, Kwangju citizens encouraged them by giving out snacks and drinks. They applauded and cheered the students during their rallies. Gradually however, the violence of the soldiers caused the citizens to feel angry and bitter. They started attacking police boxes. From May 19 onwards, citizens from all walks of life joined the students in their demonstrations. Together, people fought back against 18,000 riot police and over 3000 paratroopers with stones, bats, knives and iron bars. The official media failed to report the brutality of the army, and continued their false reports of vandalism and rioting. Enraged citizens surrounded the Munhwa Broadcasting Corporation (MBC) building on the night of May 20. When the management and guards retreated, the crowd surged inside. However, they were unable to get the broadcast facility working, and so torched the building. Even at this moment, the citizens were conscious of their actions: there were adjacent buildings to the MBC, which would have caught fire, however, the citizens took the initiative to control the fire and not to let it spread to its neighboring buildings. Similarly, the tax office was also torched, for the reason that taxes that should have been used for people's welfare had been used for the army and the production of arms to kill and injure people. Other buildings burnt down included the Labor Supervision Office, the Provincial Hall car depot and 16 police boxes.
Vehicle demonstration
The ordinary people of Kwangju initiated creative but daring ways to resist the military. Having traveled the city in their taxis, taxi drivers witnessed the brutality of the soldiers more than most. Many taxi drivers risked their lives in trying to transport the injured to hospital. During such efforts, the soldiers attacked many taxi drivers and some were brutally wounded or killed. In response, taxi and bus drivers gathered about 200 vehicles and drove them towards the military cordons on May 20. They managed to form a considerable advance against the military at this time. However, the military suddenly attacked the vehicles breaking in through their windows using riot batons and bayonets. For 20 minutes they kept up their assault, brutally injuring the people inside.?Regardless of their injuries, the vehicle demonstration continued.? Citizens organizing to protect themselves
At around 11:00pm the army fired at the vehicles. Many citizens were shot dead instantly. This was a decisive moment: the Kwangju citizens felt helpless and felt the need to arm themselves.?They seized available arms and vehicles to protect themselves, and formed what they called the Citizens' Army or Shimingun.?The citizens' army not only protected the citizens, but organised themselves to maintain basic order in the city.?They were welcomed wherever they went and people gave them free food and drink. It must be noted that there were around 40 banks and financial institutions in Kwangju at this time, but none of them were attacked. Also, even the usual petty crimes occurring in the city reduced dramatically during this time.? Alternative media
During the entire Kwangju uprising, heavy censorship existed in the official media including television, radio and newspapers. To combat this, Kwangju citizens created their own broadcast media and press to spread news of the incidents in and around the city. On the afternoon of May 20, women loaded amplifiers into cars and drove around the city, encouraging people and urging them to show determination. These efforts helped to spread the news of the uprising to the outskirts of the city. Later, a consolidated publication called the Militants' Bulletin was published with the leadership of Yun Sang-won, a key protagonist in the uprising. Also on the afternoon of May 20, during a demonstration when they could not hear the speech of a low voiced student, one citizen suggested collecting money to buy an amplifier. In less than ten minutes USD 900 had been collected. Kwangju citizens also started using banners and posters on the vehicles so that when they moved within the city their message could be spread. Treating the wounded
The people of Kwangju tried their best to transport the injured to hospitals. However, every hospital and clinic was overflowing with those who had been wounded. Many died due to the lack of doctors and/or medication. The doctors and nurses tried their best to save as many lives as possible, exhibiting a great spirit of self-sacrifice. One nurse who witnessed the situation explained, Many of the patients who had been stabbed or shot resisted treatment, saying, 'Go and treat the more critically injured first' ?Even the patients whose faces were pale due to internal bleeding gave their turns to other bleeding patients. The doctors and nurses did not sleep for seven days ?We gathered in a prayer room every morning and prayed silently. When someone began to cry, the whole room was quickly cloaked in tears.?When the military retook the city [on the 27 May], the doctors and nurses had to wage another struggle over patients (quoted in Lee Jae-eui, 82)
Critical surgeries could not be performed due to the lack of blood. When the broadcasting vehicles transmitted this news in the city, citizens, from children to the elderly, flocked to the hospitals to donate blood. Sex workers gathered at the nearby Red Cross Hospital to donate blood. At first doctors rejected their blood due to their occupation, but they soon surrendered to the sex workers' tearful appeals. Finally, after a fierce battle on May 21, the armed Citizen's Army managed to liberate Kwangju: by 5:30pm the army had retreated and by 8pm Kwangju citizens were in control of their city. May 22 - 26: Kwangju the community On May 22, the sun rose on a liberated but wounded Kwangju. Although wounded, the spirits of the people were very high. The military had sealed off all the major roads into the city after retreating to the outskirts of Kwangju. Food supplies, fuel and communications were completely cut off. However, the people of Kwangju spontaneously formed an inspiring community: without being told to do so, grocery stores and pharmacies distributed free drinks, bread, cigarettes and medicines to the citizens' army and sold a controlled amount of goods. Housewives collected available food and cooked in collective kitchens, and people started cleaning streets and washing away bloodstains on the roads.?lt;/div> While the city regained its tranquility and started functioning normally, the mourning of the injured and those who had lost their sons, daughters, brothers, sisters, husbands and wives, filled everyone's heart with sorrow. In the midst of this sorrow however, there came the "resulting autonomous minjung (people from the bottom or grassroots people) community, with its warm bonding among citizens and self-controlled order, [which] demonstrated the beauty of human love that blossomed in the midst of fierce resistance" (Chung Sangyong et al, 11). A foreign correspondent further noted that,
... one thing touched me was how much people helped each other, such as the farmer's family who sheltered me for the night. People helped me especially, because I was a reporter, and they wanted me to get my story out. But they also reached out to each other ?While I was on the road to Mokpo, people said to follow the railroad track for part of the route. At one place along the track, I was surprised to find a large kimchi jar filled with water. Someone had put it there so that weary passers-by could get a drink on their dry journey (Norman Thorpe, 126).
Last rites for the dead
A list of the dead with their photos, compiled by the Student Committee was pasted on the YWCA and Namdo Art Hall. The Sangmu Judu Studio was used as a funeral parlor and the bodies were covered with white cotton sheets and the national flag. On May 23 during a public rally, the citizens collected more than USD 1000 to carry out a citywide funeral. After that high school students installed donation boxes in every junction; this was called 'Donations of Love for the Injured'. Charity organisations, churches and temples also organised fund raising for the victims.? Rallies
The people of Kwangju held a number of rallies to boost their morale. People of all social backgrounds and ages made speeches about the situation of their city and its future, overcoming social and age barriers. They gathered at the fountain at Democracy Square, which had become a center of unity. Their angry speeches created common consciousness and a strong sense of solidarity. Their key demands were to restore the honour of the victims of Kwangju and restore democracy in South Korea.? Further, they formed citizens' committees in an attempt to settle matters peacefully with the military. Such committees included student leaders, workers, religious figures, teachers and other social figures. They tried to negotiate with the authorities.? Everyone knew that the liberation of Kwangju would be a short one. While some young leaders decided to fight to the death, other members of the citizens' committee wanted to settle the matter peacefully. In such an attempt, some of the arms of the Citizen's Army were collected by the Citizen's Committee and handed over to the military.? On May 26, a march popularly known as the 'Death March', took place, with 17 members of the Citizens' and Students' Settlement Committees marching towards the Martial Law Command. These members wanted to regain the dignity of Kwangju and to avoid more bloodshed in the eventual military recapture of the city. A Catholic priest Fr. Kim Song-Yong, who was the Committees' spokesperson, spent hours trying to discuss a peaceful settlement. However, all their efforts were futile, as the Martial Law Command had already decided to invade Kwangju. There were numerous other actions by Kwangju people during this time. Many student leaders and activists were sheltered and hidden by ordinary citizens when the military came on house searches, even though if caught they themselves could be beaten to death. Also, people did their best to spread the story of Kwangju to the outside. One foreign correspondent explained, "When we arrived [in Kwangju] ?we were immediately surrounded by a rather large crowd. Out of the thousands of old and young citizens, one man approached us and in broken English explained what had happened the night before" (Jurgen Hinzpeter, 37).
D. Questions For Discussion 1. In your opinion, what was the most significant aspect of the May 1980 Kwangju uprising? Why?
2. Are you aware of similar uprisings in other countries? Discuss the similarities and differences of the events of the uprisings.
3. Discuss the role played by Kwangju civil society throughout the uprising. Have you come across similar actions undertaken by citizens during a period of conflict, such as taxi drivers transporting the wounded or housewives sharing food?
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